The deepening Crisis in Eastern DRC: An International Diplomatic Stalemate that Calls for Urgent and Stronger European Actions for Peace in the Great Lakes Region

In afwachting van de conferentie over vrede en welvaart in het gebied van de Grote Meren, die door Frankrijk wordt georganiseerd, dringen het EurAc-netwerk en zijn leden er bij de EU en haar lidstaten op aan onmiddellijk actie te ondernemen in reactie op de verslechterende situatie in het oosten van Congo (DRC).

Ondanks voorzichtige diplomatieke vooruitgang is het geweld ter plaatse geïntensiveerd en blijven burgers de hoogste prijs betalen. In het licht hiervan kan de EU niet langer passief blijven. EurAc roept op tot een gecoördineerde, coherente en krachtige Europese diplomatieke reactie ter ondersteuning van een echt inclusief vredesproces, gebaseerd op eerbiediging van de mensenrechten en rechtvaardigheid.

Bij deze gelegenheid kondigt EurAc de publicatie aan van een nieuwe notitie: “De zich verdiepende crisis in het oosten van de DRC: een internationale diplomatieke impasse die dringende en krachtigere Europese maatregelen vereist om de vrede in het gebied van de Grote Meren te garanderen”.

A few key recommendations:

  • Exert coordinated diplomatic pressure for an inclusive, transparent, and participatory peace process that fully involves local civil society at every stage.
  • Make the fight against impunity and the protection of human rights central to the negotiations.
  • Strengthen technical and financial support for human rights defenders and local organizations active in affected areas.
  • It is time for Europe to fully assume its role as a partner for peace and justice in the Great Lakes region.
Vrouwen eisen een einde aan het seksuele geweld dat door diverse gewapende groepen al meer dan 30 jaar als oorlogswapen wordt gebruikt in het oosten van Congo. Betoging tegen geweld tegen vrouwen op de Kunstberg in Brussel op zondag 23 november 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).
Vrouwen eisen een einde aan het seksuele geweld dat door diverse gewapende groepen al meer dan 30 jaar als oorlogswapen wordt gebruikt in het oosten van Congo. Betoging tegen geweld tegen vrouwen op de Kunstberg in Brussel op zondag 23 november 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).

On June 27, 2025, the signing of a peace agreement between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda, followed by the Declaration of Principles reached in Doha on July 19, had sparked fragile hopes for a de-escalation of tensions.

However, this hope quickly collided with a harsh reality. In the provinces of North Kivu, South Kivu, and Ituri, clashes between AFC/M23 rebels and the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) have intensified since July, plunging civilian population, already affected by months of rebel occupation, into a new cycle of violence.

So far, these diplomatic initiatives have not succeeded in halting the deterioration of the situation on the ground. On the contrary, as negotiations face a stalemate, the crisis continues to worsen for civilians who are facing numerous daily challenges in terms of security, socio-economic conditions, and human rights.

This is compounded by the prolonged occupation by AFC/M23 rebels, which has evolved into a de facto administration, as evidenced by the removal of customary chiefs deemed uncooperative and their replacement with figures loyal to the new authorities in several localities (1).

Given the scale and complexity of this crisis, the European Union (EU) can no longer afford to remain on the sidelines. It has to act immediately by taking a firm and coordinated diplomatic stance and engage more actively in the ongoing peace processes to help ensure their true inclusivity and the inclusion of human rights protection and justice, as essential preconditions to lasting peace.

The continuing escalation of violence on the ground

Far from the long‑awaited peace, recent months have been marked by a sharp deterioration of the security situation in eastern territories. Since July, there has been an increase in clashes between M23 rebels and the FARDC, supported by the Wazalendo militias, in North and South Kivu, directly resulting in a significant rise in both displaced persons and victims of human rights violations.

In Uvira, where pressure intensifies, several targeted attacks by the Wazalendos against members of the Banyamulenge, accused of supporting the M23 rebels, have fueled tensions between communities (2).

De gebieden en mijnen in de provincie Noord-Kivu onder de controle van M23-rebellen. Toestand januari 2025 (bron: IPIS, Antwerpen).
De gebieden en mijnen in de provincie Noord-Kivu onder de controle van M23-rebellen. Toestand januari 2025 (bron: IPIS, Antwerpen).

This situation has been exacerbated by the forced departure of General Olivier Gasita, targeted with accusations of collusion with Rwanda and the AFC/M23, highlighting the depth of identity-driven conflicts and their destabilizing effects (3).

In Kivu, the rise of hate speech poses a serious threat to social cohesion and peace efforts. According to the Pole Institute (4), between May and June 2025, territories such as Masisi, Butembo, and Lubero were affected by stigmatizing messages circulating on social media, particularly targeting Swahilispeaking and Baluba communities.

Meanwhile, in Ituri, renewed activism by ADF militias is reigniting cycles of violence, adding yet another layer of crisis to an already volatile regional context.

With each renewed outbreak of hostilities, civilians are once again caught on the front lines. In July alone, 319 deaths were recorded, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (5), a monthly toll never reached since the resurgence of M23.

In the two Kivus, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) (6) reports over 3,008 people injured by weapons since the beginning of the year, 71 percent of whom are civilians, a figure that has already surpassed the total for 2024.

The city of Goma illustrates this spiral of violence. Our partners report an explosion of insecurity and criminality, including armed burglaries, assaults, and street murders in broad daylight.

The resurgence of fighting is also accompanied by an increase in the forced recruitment of soldiers, sometimes minors, into armed groups. Violence knows no bounds, and all parties to the conflict contribute to increasing the vulnerability of the civilian population.

This climate of fear is forcing many families to flee to nearby towns, as well as to neighbouring countries  – Burundi or Rwanda, without necessarily finding a safe refuge.

During the months of September (7) and October (8), several mass arrests of Congolese refugees in Burundi were reported, particularly in the Cibitoke province and in Bujumbura.

A climate of insecurity that intensifies the severity of human rights violations

Such a climate of insecurity has led to some of the most severe human rights violations. In July, the OHCHR recorded 535 human rights violations and abuses, 87 percent of which occurred in the eastern territories. The M23, responsible for 70 percent of violations committed by armed groups, remains the main perpetrator (9).

Among these abuses, sexual violence has seen an alarming increase. During the same period, 69 women were victims of conflict-related sexual violence, representing a 38 percent rise compared to June (10).

Vooral het conflictgerelateerd seksueel geweld is de laatste maanden weer alarmerend toegenomen. Een Congolese delegatie tijdens de Betoging tegen geweld tegen vrouwen op de Kunstberg in Brussel op zondag 23 november 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).
Vooral het conflictgerelateerd seksueel geweld is de laatste maanden weer alarmerend toegenomen. Een Congolese delegatie tijdens de Betoging tegen geweld tegen vrouwen op de Kunstberg in Brussel op zondag 23 november 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).

Renewed fighting, along with a growing climate of mistrust, have intensified these abuses. Multiple sources report a rise in arbitrary arrests, targeting not only civilians but also civil society actors accused of belonging to the Wazalendos. Several are reported to have been illegally detained in M23-controlled detention facilities under inhumane conditions (11).

Faced with direct threats, many have no choice but to go into exile or hide. Those who remain on the ground see their activities severely hampered by a constant climate of fear.

Harassment, repeated threats, and physical violence: any public statement or action exposes them to serious risk. This vulnerability is particularly pronounced among female human rights defenders (HRDs), who face reprisals in the form of sexual violence (12).

The situation of HRDs and journalists engaged in environmental protection and land rights advocacy is also alarming. In recent months, there has been a worrying increase in violence and arrests targeting these two groups, particularly in agricultural and mining areas (13).

Several local media outlets have also been shut down for reporting on illegal resource exploitation and land seizures, demonstrating a clear intent to silence them (14).

In this context, the absence of a functional justice system and law enforcement in the territories makes the fight against impunity nearly impossible. The recent announcement by the M23 of the creation of a commission that shall be tasked with the restoration of justice has raised serious concerns within civil society (15).

Indeed, the risk of entrusting such crucial responsibilities to untrained and non-impartial actors poses an additional threat to civilians and HRDs, who are already forced to live in a constant climate of fear.

In parallel, the fact-finding mission established by the UN Human Rights Council has delivered its initial findings, confirming, and in some cases even exceeding, the most alarming observations. It reports extrajudicial executions, acts of torture, gang rapes and other forms of sexual violence, abductions, forced displacements, and the recruitment of children, perpetrated by the M23 as well as by the FARDC and the Wazalendos (16).

In the face of these repeated violations, which the report suggests could constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity, the path to justice remains uncertain. A significant lack of funding is hindering the effective establishment of the Commission of Inquiry, delaying evidence collection, which is already made difficult by access restrictions imposed by the M23 administration (17).

Sinds de verovering van de miljoenenstad Goma in januari 2025 door de M23-rebellen heerst er in de stad een totale willekeur en chaos. Buitenlandse waarnemers kunnen er nauwelijks opereren en de lokale mensenrechtenactivisten worden bedreigd of moeten vertrekken (foto: Patient Polepole via LinkedIn, 15 februari 2025).
Sinds de verovering van de miljoenenstad Goma in januari 2025 door de M23-rebellen heerst er in de stad een totale willekeur en chaos. Buitenlandse waarnemers kunnen er nauwelijks opereren en de lokale mensenrechtenactivisten worden bedreigd of moeten vertrekken (foto: Patient Polepole via LinkedIn, 15 februari 2025).

A population plunged into economic chaos

Beyond the daily violence, the socio-economic situation in eastern DRC has reached a critical level. Since the capture of Goma and Bukavu at the beginning of the year, the extended closure of airports, banks, and numerous businesses has plunged the population into extreme hardship (18), a situation worsened by the arbitrary taxation system imposed by the rebel administration.

In Uvira, the security crisis has led to the collapse of trade with eastern DRC and Burundi, paralyzing the local economy and increasing the vulnerability of communities.

According to the World Food Programme (WFP), nearly 10.3 million people (19) in the East are currently experiencing food insecurity, including 2.3 million in a situation of emergency.

The confiscation of land and businesses by the M23, followed by their redistribution to new owners supporting the rebel group, has led to the gradual exclusion of local merchants, thereby depriving the population of their livelihoods (20).

The replacement of local conflict-resolution mechanisms, along with the failure to respect agreements from intercommunal land dialogues, not only risk permanently undermining the region’s economic fabric but also creates ground for future land conflicts (21).

At the same time, many private companies have ceased operations, unable to compete with businesses created and controlled by the M23.

These developments take place within a broader context of natural resource predation. Several reports indicate the involvement of Wazalendo elements and certain Congolese officers in cases of illegal fishing, natural resource trafficking, and illicit exploitation of wildlife and flora.

The M23 is also fully engaged in this pillaging economy, carrying out large-scale extraction activities. Beyond minerals, wood trafficking is rapidly expanding, particularly in Kahuzi-Biega National Park (22), where individuals are permitted to cut wood in exchange for paying a ‘logging fee’.

This economic repression is accompanied by serious violations of the fundamental rights of the population. Since July, our partners have documented several cases of forced labor imposed on the youth, with absences severely punished, sometimes through torture or even death (23).

What role for the European Union?

In the face of this human tragedy, members of the EurAc network and their partners in the Great Lakes region are questioning the role of the EU and its member states, and the lack of appropriate response and action to the crisis.

Despite numerous peace initiatives at every level, the EU has maintained a cautious stance, which can be seen as a lack of commitment to alleviating the population’s suffering. This approach weakens the prospects of a credible and truly inclusive political solution, which has been repeatedly reaffirmed by European decision-makers.

The humanitarian aid recently deployed by the EU has been very welcome, yet it remains insufficient. It must be accompanied by a stronger diplomatic commitment and active support for ongoing peace processes.

The time for declarations of principle has now passed: urgent and coordinated action by the EU and its member states is needed to keep this conflict on the European political agenda and to make peace a reality for the populations of eastern DRC.

Leden van Congolese diasporagroepen vragen een duidelijker engagement van de EU tijdens een betoging op het Luxemburgplein in Brussel op 2 maart 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).
Leden van Congolese diasporagroepen vragen een duidelijker engagement van de EU tijdens een betoging op het Luxemburgplein in Brussel op 2 maart 2025 (foto: Jan Van Criekinge).

More specifically, the EurAc network calls on the EU and its member states to:

▪ Exert diplomatic pressure to secure the implementation of a peace process that is truly inclusive, transparent, and participatory. This includes recognizing the role of civil society organizations (CSOs) and local peace actors and ensure their effective participation at every stage of the process, from elaboration to implementation and monitoring.

▪ Ensure that the fight against impunity and the protection of human rights is central to future peace agreements, with active participation from civil society. To prevent a new cycle of violence, it is crucial to explicitly include the documentation of human rights violations and crimes, while making justice and accountability for serious violations a top priority. In this context, the EU should also consider using its global human rights sanctions regime to strengthen efforts for justice.

▪ Provide enhanced technical and financial support to local human rights organizations tasked with documenting violations and strengthening their protection, in line with the EU Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders. Special support should be given to Congolese CSOs operating in contested or occupied territories, notably in the framework of the new identification and registration procedure for HRDs launched by the CNDH.

▪ Strengthen the technical and financial support provided to investigative and international justice mechanisms, in particular the rapid establishment of the UN International Commission of Inquiry for the DRC and the documentation and investigative work carried out by the International Criminal Court, both of which are currently underfunded. Full and unhindered access for investigators to currently occupied areas must be demanded.

▪ Engage in active advocacy with the Congolese government to ensure that necessary measures are taken to allow the rapid and safe reopening of banking institutions across the occupied areas.

▪ Monitor and condition any economic or commercial support to prevent it from benefiting companies involved in funding or fuelling the conflict in eastern DRC. The EU and its member states must ensure that their trade and cooperation policies do not, even indirectly, contribute to the continuation of violence.

Notes:

(1) Testimonies collected from local CSO partners and anonymized for security reasons

(2) RD Congo : Des milices et l’armée menacent des civils au Sud-Kivu, HRW, 15 septembre 2025

(3) Refoulés et bloqués à la frontière : le calvaire des réfugiés congolais face auxImbonerakure et à la police, SOS Médias Burundi, 9 septembre 2025

(4) Monitoring discours de haine RDC, Pole Institute, juin 2025

(5) RDC : l’ONU dénonce les attaques du M23, qui a tué « au moins 319 civils » en juillet, Le Monde Afrique, 6 août 2025

(6) Post X, ICRC, 11 septembre 2025

(7) Bujumbura : les Congolais pris pour cible dans des rafles répétées, SOS Médias Burundi, 30 septembre 2025

(8) Bujumbura : arrestations massives de Congolais, la peur s’installe dans la capitale, SOS Médias Burundi, 5 octobre 2025

(9) Principales tendances des violations de droits de l’homme en RDC, MONUSCO, 4 septembre 2025

(10) Ibid

(11) Testimony collected from partners under anonymity for security reasons

(12) RDC : une experte de l’ONU alerte sur les exactions à l’encontre des DDH et de leurs familles au Sud-Kivu, OHCHR, 30 septembre 2025

(13) RDC : 76 violations graves contre des défenseurs de l’environnement recensées en 6 mois, Radio Okapi, 18 août 2025

(14) Testimony collected from partners under anonymity for security reasons

(15) En RDC, la rébellion veut s’emparer du système judiciaire, DW, 14 août 2025

(16) RDC : un rapport de l’ONU évoque le spectre de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité dans le Nord et le Sud-Kivu, OHCHR, 5 septembre 2025

(17) RDC : l’ONU déplore l’entrave à l’accès aux zones contrôlées par le M23, Le Monde Afrique, 24 juillet 2025

(18) L’ONG Badilika réclame la réouverture immédiate des banques dans les zones occupées du Kivu

(19) RDC : le PAM restreint ses activités dans l’Est en raison de coupes budgétaires sans précédent, ONU info, 5 août 2025

(20) Communiqué de presse, Badilika droits humains, 4 août 2025

(21) Testimony collected from partners under anonymity for security reasons

(22) Testimony collected from partners under anonymity for security reasons

(23) Testimony collected from partners under anonymity for security reasons

Read the full publication: https://lnkd.in/eg5-xXE6

About EurAc: The Europe-Central Africa Network (EurAc), created in 2003, brings together 32 nongovernmental organizations active in Central Africa, with a particular focus on the Great Lakes region. EurAc carries out advocacy work to promote strong, coherent, and sustainable engagement from the European Union and its Member States to help the region build a better future.


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